Letter to Chinese Premier Wen Ahead of Trip to Burma

Dear Premier Wen,

In anticipation of your trip to Burma on June 2, we write to you about the human rights and political situation there. We believe that the People's Republic of China has one of the most important bilateral relations with Burma, as a significant trading, investment and diplomatic partner, and Burma's largest neighbor. Your government thus, is in an important position to propose and press for national and regional policies that can improve respect for human rights and promote political reform in Burma. Burma has rebuffed and rejected such efforts for years, including numerous United Nations mediation missions.

Burma remains one of the most repressive countries in the world, ruled by the military-controlled State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). There are strict limits on the rights to basic freedoms of expression, association, and assembly. The intelligence and security services are omnipresent. Censorship is draconian. More than 2,100 political prisoners suffer in Burma's squalid prisons. All have been sentenced after unfair trials, which often take the form of summary hearings held in the prisons themselves.
At the same time, military abuses connected to armed conflicts continue in ethnic minority areas. For many years, Human Rights Watch has documented the recruitment and deployment of child soldiers, the use of forced labor, and summary killings, rape, and other abuses against minority populations, including the Rohingya, Chin, Shan, Karen, and Karenni.

Burma has also committed widespread violations that have caused thousands of ethnic Rohingya Muslims to leave western Burma to seek refuge in Bangladesh, and many thousands flee every year in boats to Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia. In August 2009, more than 37,000 ethnic Kokang people fled into China's Yunnan province following fighting between the Burmese military and the ethnic militia of Shan State Special Region 1.

In addition to rampant violations of civil and political rights, corruption and mismanagement under military rule has made Burma one of the poorest countries in Asia. The government seems to care little for the basic welfare of its people: for instance, while the Burmese government received an estimated US$150 million per month in gas export revenue in 2008, its last announced annual budget to address its AIDS crisis in 2007 was a mere US$172,000.

While much of the world sees Burma's rulers as isolated, ruthless, and despised, the SPDC continues to have influential friends in the region who provide resources through the purchase of energy and other commodities, and shield Burma from concerted action at the UN, ASEAN, and other international fora on subjects like implementing effective arms embargoes or targeted sanctions.

The Chinese government routinely asserts that it follows a policy of non-interference in the "internal affairs" of sovereign states. However, the rampant rights violations ongoing inside Burma are creating severe internal pressures which could easily spill over Burma's borders and affect China's stability in terms of refugee flows, public health crises, and violence. In this regard, China's "good neighbor" policy with Burma should involve speaking frankly with the Burmese government about its human rights abuses and include recommendations and assistance to address them.

At key junctures the Chinese government has obstructed international action that could have significantly improved human rights, appearing to preference Chinese economic interests and demonstrate disregard for international law and institutions. We call on your government to play a more positive international leadership role to press for productive change in Burma. We recommend that the Chinese government's policy should, therefore, aim at addressing three important avenues of engaging with Burma: the 2010 elections, insecurity in the border areas, diplomacy, and more productive trade relations.

The 2010 Elections

Despite the frequent and longstanding calls from concerned governments and the United Nations for credible inclusive elections, the polls planned for Burma in 2010 are a blueprint for further repressive rule, social division, and potential instability in Burma-all of which has a deleterious effect on human rights. Consequently, they are unlikely to achieve your government's aspirations, and endorsing them as a forward step for Burma will not improve the situation inside the country.

The 2008 constitution contains provisions designed to ensure military dominance in any civilian administration, with a quarter of all parliamentary seats set aside for serving military officers, and reservation of key ministerial portfolios for the military.

Electoral laws limit the participation of longstanding opponents of military rule by forcing political parties, on pain of de-registration, to expel any members currently serving prison sentences. The fact that the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), the political party that overwhelmingly won the last elections in 1990, demurred from contesting the elections in 2010 demonstrates how tightly controlled the process is.

Many provisions of the electoral laws fall far short of international standards for a free and fair election. The 17-member Electoral Commission, which rules on political party registration and candidates, is not independent or impartial. Nearly 40 parties have already registered and been accepted, many of them either controlled by the Burmese military, or effectively proxy parties for the government.

In China's last high-level visit to Burma, Vice President Xi Jinping in December 2009 relayed to President Than Shwe that China wanted to see "political stability, economic development and national reconciliation." These are not controversial aspirations, but Human Rights Watch firmly believes that the current direction of the electoral process will produce more division, disharmony, and uncertainty in Burma, not lead to a gradually improving process of reconciliation, peace-building and development.

Insecurity in Border Areas

The Chinese government should recognize the genuine grievances felt by the ethnic minority populations in Burma, particularly the ethnic Kachin and Wa. The possibility of armed hostilities along the Burma-China border, after two decades of relative peace, is quite real, as are refugee flows as a result of conflict that would dwarf the incident of August 2009 in Kokang. The complete failure of the SPDC to seek genuine reconciliation and regional development in Burma has fostered this instability. China's mediating role in averting conflict is noted, but we urge your government to take a more overt and public role in supporting peace-building initiatives in Burma along with the United Nations and other concerned states.

We note China's important role in the Security Council working group on children and armed conflict and its support for UN Security Council Resolutions 1612 (2005) and 1882 (2009). We draw your attention to the UN secretary-general's latest report of April 2010 that continues to list the Burmese military as a party that commits grave violations against children in war, including the continued recruitment and use of child soldiers. We also note that the UN special rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Myanmar called in his March 2010 report to the Human Rights Council for the UN to consider forming a UN commission of inquiry into allegations of crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma. We urge China to support such an inquiry in the UN General Assembly-China will not be considered a positive force in the international community if it does not actively participate in efforts to bring an end to serious violations of human rights and the laws of war during armed conflicts.

Regional Engagement and Diplomacy

On key political matters in Burma, the Chinese government does not appear to be engaged in constructive, proactive regional diplomacy, and in some instances has undermined those efforts. China has been reluctant to join in efforts by the UN Security Council to exert pressure on Burma to improve respect for human rights, even employing a veto to block a Security Council resolution on the human rights situation in Burma in January 2007.

At times, the SPDC has used diplomatic maneuvering to delay and pretend that it was engaged in serious inter-governmental discussions. China's membership in the Group of Friends of Myanmar bestows on your government a leadership role in these high-level discussions and the opportunity to push the Security Council to press the SPDC to institute genuine reforms. Unfortunately, thus far the Group of Friends has not adopted a clear line on how to engage the SPDC. Human Rights Watch believes that a more assertive grouping should be formed, to converge the views and policies of China, India, Japan, the EU and US, and ASEAN states, and gradually minimize the ability of the SPDC to play states off against each other.

Since the UN has long been the focal point for diplomacy on Burma, we urge China to support the continuation of a special envoy of the secretary-general. But it is crucial that the secretary-general and the special envoy not get diverted into the diplomatic game of considering access or high-level meetings as a sufficient sign of progress. The envoy must be an individual with the principles, skills, and backing of the international community to make an impact. China should support the appointment of a permanent replacement to former envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, who has the integrity and skills to exert pressure on the SPDC while also building a strong, clear line in Asia and the West about their approaches to Burma.

China should be concerned over increasing defense links between Burma and North Korea which undermines international peace and security. We remind you of China's obligations under UN Security Council Resolution 1874 (2009) to ensure that North Korea's proliferation does not affect Burma. China has provided significant amounts of military aid to Burma since 1989. To help end the use of military weaponry in human rights violations in Burma, China should end all its arms sales and military support to the SPDC, and support such an arms embargo through the UN Security Council.

We feel it is important to note the positive developments for human rights that China has made in certain international situations: the appointment of a special ambassador for Darfur, who played an important role in urging the Sudanese government to let international peacekeepers deploy in the area, and the sanctions, albeit limited, that China agreed to support on some North Korean individuals.

China could also consider the appointment of its own special ambassador or envoy to Burma in order to deal directly with Burmese military officials and to consult with the UN special envoy and other state-designated Burma envoys such as the EU Burma envoy and the proposed United States envoy.

Trade and Investment Relations

Until a more representative government that respects basic rights is in place in Burma, Human Rights Watch urges governments and companies to refrain from any new investments in sectors of Burma's economy that substantially benefit the military or are otherwise associated with serious human rights abuses. Investments in the energy sector are particularly troubling, given the track record of serious abuses associated with previous oil and gas projects in Burma that given rise to concerns that new projects will contribute to the use of forced labor, illegal land confiscation, forced displacement, and unnecessary use of force against civilians. Moreover, the SPDC fails to use available revenue from petroleum projects in a manner to address the economic and social rights shortcomings of the population who suffer needless poverty and neglect. Although the SPDC has accrued more than US$5 billion in foreign reserves, largely derived from sales of natural gas sales through the Yadana and Yetagun projects in southern Burma, Human Rights Watch has concerns that little, if any, of these funds have been used for desperately needed health and education programs, or the reconstruction of the Irrawaddy Delta after Cyclone Nargis.

China has major economic ties to Burma, from a growing bilateral border trade and investments in major hydroelectric and petroleum projects. Bilateral trade between Burma and China is nearly US$3 billion per year, and border trade is growing rapidly. The overall volume of trade is anticipated to increase dramatically as a result of a massive energy deal between the two countries. In addition, PetroChina, the publicly-listed arm of the majority state-owned company China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), signed a December 2008 contract to purchase the natural gas from the Shwe fields off the coast of Arakan state. More recently, CNPC has reportedly begun constructing what will ultimately be two major energy pipelines across Burma to China, in one case to transport the Shwe gas. The twin pipelines represent some of the biggest infrastructure projects ever undertaken in Burma.

We are concerned about the impact on the Burmese population of these massive petroleum projects and large hydro-electric power projects that Chinese companies also are involved with in Burma. Human Rights Watch's position is that companies doing business in Burma should ensure their operations do not contribute to or benefit from human rights abuses. Since late 2007 we have called on companies to cease investments in economic sectors alleged to be associated with human rights violations in Burma. We have called on those already involved in such investments by that date to conduct thorough and independent human rights impact assessments, make the results of such assessments public, and be prepared to reconsider their investments and operations in the country based on the outcome of the assessments as well as further developments in Burma.

Helping the Burmese people is one of the most difficult and intractable problems the world has faced in recent decades. China can play a far more productive long-term role if it works with other members of the international community to foster genuine change in Burma.

We wish you a productive trip and look forward to discussing these issues with you or your staff at your convenience.

Yours sincerely,

Elaine Pearson

Acting Asia Director

Human Rights Watch

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၀န္ထမ္းေလာကတြင္းသို႔ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမ်ား၀င္ေရာက္သတင္းယူ...

သတင္းေတြကေတာ့ ၾကာေလပြင့္အန္ထြက္လာၾကေလပဲဗ်ိဳ႕…..လာျပန္ျပီဗ်ာ ၀န္ထမ္းေလာကထဲကေန သတင္းတခုထြက္လာျပန္ပါျပီ..ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့စစ္အစိုးရကေန ဌာနဆိုင္ရာ၀န္ထမ္းေတြၾကားထဲမွာ ေထာက္လွမ္း စံုစမ္းဖို ့ အတြက္ အေယာင္ေဆာင္၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား ထည့္သြင္းထားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့သတင္းပါပဲ ။
စစ္အစိုးရဟာယခုအစီစဥ္ကို ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေကာ္မရွင္ ဥပေဒမထုတ္ျပန္ခင္ အခ်ိန္မတိုင္မီထဲက ၾကိဳတင္စနစ္တက်လုပ္ေဆာင္ထားတာလို႔ သိ္ရပါတယ္ ။
ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ့ မွာရွိေနတဲ့ အစိုးရရံုး၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအၾကားမွာ ၀န္ထမ္းအသြင္ယူ၍ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ၊တရားရံုးမ်ား ႏွင့္ စည္ပင္ကဲ့သို့ဌာနမ်ားတြင္ ပြဲစားမ်ားကဲ့ သို ့ အသြင္ယူ၍ ေသာ္လည္း ေကာင္း ၊ ပညာေရးဌာနရွိေက်ာင္းမ်ားတြင္လည္း ေက်ာင္းသားမိဘမ်ား ဆရာ/ဆရာမ(အသစ္)မ်ားကဲ့သို့ လည္းေကာင္း ၊ ေဆးရံုေဆးခန္းမ်ားပါမက်န္ ၀င္ေရာက္သတင္း ရယူေန ၾကတယ္လို႕ သိရပါတယ္ ။
၎တို႕၏ အဓိက လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ားမွာ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႏွင့္ပါက္သတ္၍၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၏ သေဘာထားမ်ားစံုစမ္းရန္ ႏွင့္ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအားစည္းရံုးရန္တို့ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။စံုစမ္းေရး ႏွင့္ စည္းရံုးေရးကို သီးျခားလုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကျပီးဌာနတခုတြင္အနည္း၃ဦးမွ၅ဦးအထိရွိသည္ဟုသိရပါသည္။ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ ့အတြင္း၌ ရရွိလာ ေသာ သတင္းမ်ားအားစုစည္းသည့္ေနရာမ်ားထားရွိျပီး အဓိကအားျဖင့္ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ့ေတာ္ခန္းမအတြင္းရွိ စည္ပင္ရံုး ဌာနအတြင္းရံုးခန္းတခန္းသီးသန္႔ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားသည္ဟုသိရပါသည္။အလားတူပဲအျခားဌာန
ဆိုင္ရာမ်ားတြင္လည္းလ်ွဳိ႕၀ွက္ရံုးခန္းမ်ားထားရွိထားသည္ဟု ၀န္ထမ္းေလာက မွခိုင္မာသည့္သတင္းမ်ားရရွိထားပါသည္ ။
ထို႕အျပင္ ဘာသာေရးပြဲမ်ား ဥပမာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာတရားပြဲမ်ား ၊ ခရစ္ယာန္ ဘာသာ ဘုရားရွိခိုးသည့္ေနမ်ား အစရွိသည့္ေနမ်ားတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရမွ အဆိုပါပြဲမ်ားတြင္ဘာသာေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ၏ေဟာေျပာမႈ့မ်ား ကို အသြင္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးျဖင့္သတင္းရယူလွ်က္ရွိေနသည္မွာလည္း အခ်ိန္ကာလ အတန္ၾကာ ရွိေနျပီဟု သိရပါသည္ ။
ထို႕့ေၾကာင့္၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားအေနျဖင့္သတိၾကီးစြာျဖင့္ေနထိုင္ၾကပါရန္ႏွင့္မိမိဌာနမ်ားသို႕၀န္ထမ္း အသစ္မ်ား ေရာက္ရွိလာပါက ဦးစြာေလ့လာျပီးမွတာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ၾကပါရန္အသိေပးႏိုးေဆာ္လိုက္ရပါသည္။

ဒီပဲယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို ေျမျမဳပ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟုဆို

ဒီပဲယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈသည္ စစ္အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို အၿပီးအပိုင္ ေျမျမဳပ္လိုက္ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ားကို က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးခြန္ျမင့္ထြန္းက ေျပာသည္။

ယေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းက ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ ဒီပဲယင္း လုပ္ႀကံမႈ (၇) ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ အခမ္းအနားတြင္ ေျပာဆိုလုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႕ ဒီပဲယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈဟာ အစုလိုက္အၿပံဳလုိက္ လုပ္ႀကံသတ္ျဖတ္မႈတင္မက ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လုပ္ႀကံမႈလည္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး တကယ့္ရာဇဝတ္မႈကို က်ဴးလြန္တာျဖစ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔အေနနဲ႔ ေသခ်ာေဖာ္ထုတ္ၿပီး တရားစြဲဆိုဖို႔ ညီညီညႊတ္ညႊတ္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကဖို႔ တုိက္တြန္းလိုပါတယ္” ဟု ၎က ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ မေကြးတုိင္း၊ မင္းလွၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးခ်စ္တင္၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေဒၚစန္းစန္းတို႔က ဒီပဲယင္း လုပ္ႀကံမႈအျဖစ္အပ်က္မ်ားကို ျပန္လည္ ေျပာခဲ့ၾကသည္။

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား စည္း႐ံုးေရးခရီးသြားသည့္ ေမာ္ေတာ္ယာဥ္တန္းကို ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္၊ ေမလ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔ ညပိုင္းတြင္ စစ္ကုိင္းတုိင္း ဒီပဲယင္းၿမိဳ႕ျပင္ က်ဥ္ရြာအနီး၌ တုတ္၊ ဓား၊ လက္နက္မ်ဳိးစုံ ကုိင္ေဆာင္ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းေနေသာ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား ဦးေဆာင္သည့္အုပ္စုက လုပ္ႀကံသတ္ျဖတ္မႈကို က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

အဆိုပါလုပ္ႀကံမႈအၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရက သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ေျပာၾကားရာ လူ ၄ ဦးေသဆံုးၿပီး (၅၀) ခန္႔ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသမ်ားက ေျပာဆိုရာတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဝင္မ်ား အပါအဝင္ လူေပါင္း ရာနဲ႔ခ်ီေသဆံုးခဲ့သည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း၊ မႏၱေလးတိုင္း၊ မေကြးတိုင္း၊ ဧရာဝတီတုိင္းတို႔မွ ၉၀ ခုႏွစ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏုိင္ရ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ (၇၀)ဦးက ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာ ကိုဖီအာနံ ထံ ဒီပဲယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈအား စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ဖြဲ႔ေပးေရး လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးၿပီး ေတာင္းဆိုမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ စစ္အစိုးရေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသန္းေရႊထံသို႔ လိပ္မူ၍ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာသည့္ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး ဒီပဲယင္းလုပ္ႀကံမႈအၿပီး ေဒၚေဆာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္တကြ ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခံရသူမ်ား ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးရန္ေတာင္းဆို ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ယေန႔အထိ တစံုတရာ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိေပ။

ယေန႔ျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ဒီပဲယင္းအမွတ္တရ အခမ္းအနားကို လူထုတိုက္ပြဲ ေကာ္မတီက ဦးေဆာင္၍ အဆုိပါ လုပ္ႀကံမႈအတြင္း ေသဆံုးခဲ့သူမ်ားကို ရည္စူး၍ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို ဆြမ္းကပ္လွဴၿပီးေနာက္ ဒီပဲယင္းအျဖစ္ပ်က္ အမွတ္တရ စကားဝုိင္းကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

မီးရထားလမ္း လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္က ကေလးစစ္သားအျဖစ္ စုေဆာင္းျခင္းကို လက္မခံပဲ ထြက္ေျပးသူကို ေသနတ္ျဖင့္ ပစ္ခတ္ျခင္း

မီးရထားလမ္း လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္က ကေလးစစ္သားအျဖစ္ စုေဆာင္းျခင္းကို လက္မခံပဲ ထြက္ေျပးသူကို ေသနတ္ျဖင့္ ပစ္ခတ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ကေလးငယ္တဦး ေသဆံုးခဲ့သည္ဟု ေဆြမ်ဳိးေတာ္စပ္သူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ယခုလ (၁၆) ရက္ေန႔က ပဲခူးတိုင္း၊ ေညာင္ေလးပင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ဝါး႐ံုကုန္း ေက်းရြာအုပ္စု၊ စံဖဲေက်းရြာမွ ေမာင္တင္မင္းႏိုင္ကို ျပြန္တံဆာ မီးရထား လံုၿခံဳေရးအေစာင့္ တာဝန္က်သည့္ ခမရ (၅၈၆)မွ တပ္သားမ်ားက စစ္အသားအျဖစ္ စုေဆာင္းျခင္းကို လက္မခံဘဲ ထြက္ေျပးသည့္အတြက္ ေသနတ္ျဖင့္ လွမ္းပစ္ရာမွ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎က ေျပာသည္။
“တင္မင္းႏုိင္နဲ႔ သူ႔သူငယ္ခ်င္းႏွစ္ေယာက္က ညဘက္ ငါးရွာ၊ ဖါးရွာသြားေတာ့ ရထားလမ္းကင္းေစာင့္တဲ့ စစ္သားေတြက သူတို႔ကိုဖမ္းၿပီး စစ္ထဲဝင္ရမယ္လို႔ေျပာေနတုန္း တင္မင္းႏိုင္က မဝင္ခ်င္လို႔ ထြက္ေျပးဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားေတာ့ စစ္သားတေယာက္က ေသနတ္နဲ႔ ႏွစ္ခ်က္ပစ္တယ္၊ မေသေသးေတာ့ ခက္ရင္းနဲ႔ထိုးသတ္ၿပီး ဒိုက္ပံုၾကားထဲ ထိုးၿပီး ျမဳပ္ပစ္လုိက္တာ” ဟု ေဆြမ်ဳိးေတာ္စပ္သူက ေျပာသည္။

အဆုိပါျဖစ္စဥ္ကို တင္မင္းႏိုင္ႏွင့္အတူ ပါသြားသည့္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းျဖစ္သူ ေမာင္ေက်ာ္ဝင္းက ျပန္လည္ေျပာျပသည့္အတြက္ သိရျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ေမာင္ေက်ာ္ဝင္သည္လည္း အဆိုပါျဖစ္ရပ္ကို ျမင္ေတြ႔ၿပီး ေၾကာက္လန္႔ကာ စိတ္အေျခအေန မမွန္ျဖစ္ေနသည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။

“အဲလိုျဖစ္ေတာ့ ေမာင္ေက်ာ္ဝင္းက ေၾကာက္လန္႔ၿပီး စစ္သားအျဖစ္ စုေဆာင္းခံတယ္၊ ျပြန္တံဆာအေျခစိုက္ စစ္သားစုေဆာင္းေရးတပ္က ေမာင္ေက်ာ္ဝင္းကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး စိတ္မူမမွန္လုိ႔ ျပန္လႊတ္လိုက္ေတာ့ တင္မင္းႏုိင္ဆံုးတာကို သိလို႔ ျပႊန္တံဆာ ရဲစခန္းက စစ္ေဆးတာေတြေတာ့ လုပ္ေနတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ယင္းအျဖစ္အပ်က္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျပြန္တံဆာ စစ္သားစုေဆာင္းေရးတပ္က မည္သူကိုမွ တုိင္ၾကားျခင္း မျပဳရန္ေျပာဆိုၿပီး အသုဘ စရိတ္ထုတ္ေပးျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု တင္မင္းႏိုင္၏ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေတာ္စပ္သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

“စုေဆာင္းေရးတပ္အရာရွိက ေငြငါးသိန္းလာပို႔ၿပီး ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္တဲ့သေဘာ ေျပာဆိုတာေတြ ရွိတယ္၊ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္ကလည္း တပ္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္ေနေတာ့ အခုထိ ဘယ္လိုလုပ္မယ္ဆိုတာ မသိေသးဘူး၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကေတာ့ သူတို႔ ဘာလုပ္မလဲဆိုတာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတုန္းဘဲ” ဟု ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ေသဆံုးသြားသူ တင္မင္းႏိုင္မွာ အသက္ (၁၆)ႏွစ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၎၏ သူငယ္ခ်င္းေမာင္ေက်ာ္ဝင္းမွာ အသက္ (၁၅) ႏွစ္သာရွိေသးေၾကာင္း ၎က ေျပာသည္။

စစ္အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ အသက္မျပည့္ေသးသည့္ ကေလးငယ္မ်ားမရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုေနေသာ္လည္း ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ကေလးစစ္သားစုေဆာင္းမႈမ်ားမွာ ေနရာအႏွံ႔ျဖစ္ပြားေနလွ်က္ရွိၿပီး စစ္သားစုေဆာင္းရာတြင္ အသက္ကို သတ္ျဖတ္သည့္ ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ားကိုပင္ က်ဴးလြန္လ်က္ရွိသည္။

မဂၤလာေစ်း မီးေလာင္မွဳ ျဖစ္စဥ္ အေပၚ စဥ္းစားစရာမ်ား

လွ်ပ္စစ္ ၀ါယာေရွာ့ခ္၏ အေခၚ အေ၀ၚ အသံုး အႏွံဳး အမွန္သည္ Short Circuit ျဖစ္ၿပီး Short Circuit (ပတ္လမ္းတို လမ္းေၾကာင္း) ျဖစ္မွ သာလွ်င္ မီးေလာင္ေၾကာင္း၊ Short ျဖစ္ရံု ႏွင့္ မီးမေလာင္ေၾကာင္း ၊ Short ျဖစ္သည္ ဆိုသည္မွာ ဓါတ္လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဓါတ္လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည့္ အခါ သက္ရွိမ်ား အသက္ ဆံုးရွံုးျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လွ်ပ္စစ္ ႏွင့္ အီလက္ထေရာနစ္ ပညာရွင္ ဦးေဖသိန္း (UPT) က ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့သည္။လွ်ပ္စစ္ ခလုတ္အားဖြင့္လိုက္လွ်င္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္ စီးဆင္းမည္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္ စီးဆင္းလွ်င္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ အသံုး အေဆာင္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ တီဗြီ ၊ ပန္ကာ ၊ ေရခဲေသတၱာ ၊ မီးပူ စသည့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အီလက္ထေရာနစ္ အသံုး အေဆာင္ ပစၥည္း မ်ားမွ လွ်ပ္စစ္ လားရာ လမ္းသို႔ ျပန္သြားေၾကာင္း ၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ အသံုး အေဆာင္ ပစၥည္း မ်ားမွ တဆင့္ ျဖတ္စီးဆင္းေန သေရြ႕ လွ်ပ္စစ္ အသံုးအေဆာင္ ပစၥည္းမ်ား ခ်ိဳ႔ယြင္းေနျခင္း မဟုတ္လွ်င္ မီးေလာင္စရာ အေၾကာင္း မရွိေၾကာင္း ရွင္းျပ ခဲ့သည္။

၄င္းက ဆက္လက္ ရွင္းျပ ရာတြင္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္သည္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ လမ္းေၾကာင္း မွ ျဖတ္သြားမွဳ မရွိသည့္ အခါ တစ္စံု တစ္ရာေသာ အေၾကာင္း တစ္ခုေၾကာင့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ သြားသည့္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ျပန္သည့္ လမ္းေၾကာင္း တြင္ ၀ါယာ ေပါက္ၿပဲ တစ္စံု တစ္ရာေသာ အပူခ်ိန္ ရထားပါက မီးထေတာက္ ေလာင္တတ္ေၾကာင္း ထပ္မံ ရွင္းျပ ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း လွ်ပ္တျပက္ ဂ်ာနယ္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ အသင္း ဦးစီး၍ အိုင္တီေမာလ္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ရန္ စီစဥ္

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ အသင္းက ဦးစီး၍ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ အေရာင္းဆိုင္မ်ား စုေပါင္းကာ အိုင္တီေမာလ္ တစ္ခု ဖြင့္လွစ္ရန္ ညႇိႏႈိင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္လ်က္ ရွိေၾကာင္း ထို အသင္း ဥကၠဌ ေဒၚ၀ါ၀ါထြန္း က ေမလ ၂၂ ရက္တြင္ ေျပာၾကား သည္။ ထို အိုင္တီေမာလ္ကို ဒဂံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ျပည္လမ္း မေပၚရွိ ေတာ္၀င္ စင္တာ တြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ ထားၿပီး လက္ရွိတြင္ ထို စင္တာႏွင့္ ညႇိႏႈိင္းဆဲ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဖြင့္လွစ္ျဖစ္မည္ ဆိုပါက ေအာက္တိုဘာလ တြင္ စတင္ဖြင့္လွစ္ရန္ ရွိေၾကာင္း ၎က ဆိုသည္။ “လက္ရွိ မွာေတာ့ ညႇိႏႈိင္း ေနတုန္းပဲ။ ဆုိင္ေပါင္း ကေတာ့ ၄၀ ေလာက္ ပါမယ္။ ေနရာကေတာ့ တစ္ထပ္ ျဖစ္မလား၊ ႏွစ္ထပ္ ျဖစ္မလား မသိေသးဘူး” ဟု ေဒၚ၀ါ၀ါထြန္းက ေျပာသည္။ လက္ရွိတြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၌ အိုင္တီေမာလ္ အေနျဖင့္ စိန္ေဂဟာ ပါရမီ ေရွာ့ပင္းစင္တာ တြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ထား ၿပီး ဘလူးအိုးရွင္း ကုမၸဏီက ဦးစီး ေဆာင္ရြက္လ်က္ ရွိေသာ ဂ်ဴပီတာ အုိင္တီေမာလ္ တစ္ခုသာ ရွိၿပီး ေက်ာက္တံတား ၿမဳိ႕နယ္ အတြင္းရွိ ဘီေအေက ေရွာ့ပင္း စင္တာကလည္း ၎၏ ပထမထပ္ကို အိုင္တီေမာလ္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ စီစဥ္လ်က္ရွိသည္။
အိုင္တီေမာလ္ ဖြင့္လွစ္ရန္ စီစဥ္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေက်ာက္တံတား ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ Technoland ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ အေရာင္းဆိုင္မွ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ ဒါ႐ိုက္တာ ဦးျမတ္စိုး၀င္း က “ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး အိုင္တီေမာလ္ေတြ ေပၚလာေတာ့ ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံျခားမွာ ဆိုရင္လည္း အိုင္တီေမာလ္လို ေနရာမ်ဳိး ေတြက တစုတစည္းတည္း ရွိေနေတာ့ ပိုေရာင္း ရတယ္။ ၀ယ္သူေတြ အေနနဲ႔လည္း တစ္ေနရာတည္းမွာ တစုတစည္းတည္း ၀ယ္လို႔ ရေတာ့ အဆင္ေျပ တာေပါ့” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ေတာ္၀င္စင္တာတြင္ ဖြင့္လွစ္မည့္ အိုင္တီေမာလ္ ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ၎က ေျပာၾကား ရာတြင္ “ဒီေနရာက ေနရာ အေနအထားေတာ့ မဆိုးပါဘူး။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ အေနနဲ႔လည္း ဒီေမာလ္မွာ ဆိုင္ဖြင့္ဖို႔ စိတ္၀င္စား ပါတယ္” ဟုဆိုသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ အိုင္တီေမာလ္မ်ား အေနျဖင့္ ဆိုင္ခန္း မ်ားမ်ား ပါ၀င္ ႏိုင္ေစရန္ က်ယ္၀န္းသည့္ ၾကမ္းခင္း ဧရိယာရွိရန္ လုိအပ္ၿပီး အျခား ၀န္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ာ ျဖစ္သည့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီး ပံုမွန္ ရရွိေရး၊ မီတာခ သင့္တင့္မွ် တေရး၊ ဖုန္းလိုင္း ႏွင့္ အင္တာနက္ လိုင္းမ်ား ေကာင္းမြန္ေရး တို႔တြင္ပါ အထူး အာ႐ံုစိုက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးရန္မွာမူ မရွိမျဖစ္ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္း အင္တာနက္ဂ်ာနယ္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။